Quantitative Foundations of Partisan Gerrymandering
Partisan gerrymandering is a phenomenon in American politics that, unlike racial gerrymandering, is poorly understood.
Summary
The United States performs a census every ten years to determine both its total population and the population of each state. Each state is assigned a number of representatives for the US House based on its relative population. Each of these representatives is assigned a geographic area of the state known as a district. There are two main requirements in drawing these districts: each district in a state must have as equal as possible population, and no district can violate the Voting Rights Act (VRA). Otherwise, there are no rules at the federal level; each state can choose how draw districts as they please. This has allowed for districts to be drawn in a way that influences the outcome: this is known as gerrymandering. This does not just apply to congressional redistrictings, but ones for state legislatures as well.
As a result of the VRA, racial gerrymandering, where districts are drawn so as to affect the influence of racial minorities in a state, has been well-established to be illegal. The legality of partisan gerrymandering, where districts are drawn so as to affect the influence of a political party, is much more ambiguous. Though the U.S. Supreme Court recently ruled in Rucho v. Common Cause that no objective standard for testing partisan gerrymandering exists, meaning that federal courts cannot resolve issues, this does not prevent state courts from ruling on partisan gerrymandering cases. There has thus been significant interest to better understand partisan gerrymandering from a quantitative perspective, and develop rigorous metrics and methodologies for determining whether a given redistricting is a partisan gerrymander.
The main methodologies used in this field are based on using Markov chains to perform some sort of significance testing based on ensembles of redistrictings of a state. My work in this area concerns using MCMC methods to perform a global sampling of redistrictings using traditionally valued redistricting criterion, and then subsequently computing a number of statistics on these samplings to get an idea as to whether a given district plan of a state is a statistical outlier with respect to these sampled distributions. This has led to the development of a number of visualizations and the discovery of a number of signals illustrating mechanisms of partisan gerrymandering as well as evidence showing the importance/lack thereof of incorporating traditional redistricting criterion in any analysis.
My participation in this effort has mostly been in a support role; Greg Herschlag, Jonathan Mattingly, a large number of undergraduates, and others have done and are continuing to do an extraordinary amount of quality work in this area. Below you will find many of the results of my participation in these efforts. The Duke Quantifying Gerrymandering Webpage is the digital home of this team.
Projects
The Discovery of the Firewall: Evaluating Partisan Gerrymandering in Wisconsin
The word “firewall” is indicative of a structure that prevents something from crossing, as is commonly used when it comes to malware in computers. An analysis of redistricting at the state level in Wisconsin reveals a similar structure. Read more
Municipalities Can Matter: A Case Study of Redistricting in Pennsylvania
Pennsylvania is my home state, and has been panned in the past for the shapes of its districts, including the famous “Goofy Kicking Donald Duck” in the 2010 congressional redistricting. In the process of doing an analysis using different techniques separate than those involved in League of Women Voters v. Commonwealth of PA, we uncovered new information concerning different assumptions made in the sampling process: the role of preserving as many townships as possible. Read more
Quantifying Gerrymandering: A Case Study of Redistricting in North Carolina
North Carolina has a storied history with gerrymandering. The 2016 congressional redistricting was accused of being a partisan gerrymander, in part due to the discrepancy between the statewide popular vote (close to a 50/50 split between Republicans and Democrats) to the actual outcome (9 Republicans and 4 Democrats) in 2016. Given the geographical nature of the problem, this is not clear: can we quantify the extent of the gerrymandering in an interpretable way? Read more
Bizarre Shapes and Partisan Gerrymandering: A Case Study in Maryland
Maryland’s congressional redistricting is another commonly cited example of gerrymandering given the complicated shapes behind its districts. But is this a case of partisan gerrymandering, or is it something else? Read more